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In the late nineteenth century Japanese photography had moved from portraiture and some landscape work to much more stylistically aware images after the arrival of art nouveau and a kind of naturalism, in the s. In the late nineteenth century, photographs were circulated by the US agency Underwood and Underwood, and by the s and s were circulated by agencies such as Black Star Germany , UPI, and AP on a contract basis.

Photographical style from the s to s was in the vein of pictorialism: that is, photographs followed — and sometimes directly imitated — the effects of late plein air painting. This changed in the s, however, with the introduction of Neue Sachlichkeit , New Objectivity, in Japanese called at the time Shin jitsuzai [5]. There was also an introduction to German photographic style through the Japanese students who returned from the Bauhaus, and, for some architectural professionals, access to German architectural magazines.

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Hamaya started being interested in these developments and saw the newly arisen photographic tendencies in the mids as a casting-off of naturalism to becoming conscious of the modern. For him, graphic journalism marked a departure from the culture of an age of reading to a culture of looking. And one can see his shift out of naturalism by his quirky moderne street photography [Fig.

Another measure of the flexibility and openness of Japanese photography to new visual discourses is the link with surrealism. Clearly his exposure indirectly to French surrealism through the circle around Takiguchi resulted in somewhat of a flapper absurdism and dandyism in which the photographer displays his or her work as a kind of style model for others. Many photographers and artists were aware of the war in China because of visits to the front in Hamaya, , The genre of portraits of artists, writers, and scientists recurs frequently until the end of the war, and indeed seems to have been solidified for the post magazine industry.

Hamaya, not yet called up, carried out military assignments, such as in photographing the Takada Regiment ski unit in the deep mountains of Niigata. In Niigata, Hamaya began an association with ethnologists and folklore collectors that would last for the next fifteen or twenty years. He acknowledged his humanist philosophy in Yukiguni :. In this wintry village of just twenty-five roofs among the valleys of Echigo when one sees the classic[al form] of a magnificent way of living, one can envisage the richness and depth of the spiritual life which has passed through such a long history.

To harvest rice is not just an exchange of energy via physical labour. A deep confluence with the gods was required in the hearts of the farmers who built a golden national land from the impoverished Japanese archipelago. Over the course of his work, their proposition as indices of an alternative view of Japan became stronger. Shibuzawa often spoke of the common people. And he pressed for the work of excavating the culture of the common people against that of the ruling class.

As far as possible, one observed agricultural ceremonies and annual customs, recorded them by film or photograph, took down oral notes, and collected actual objects such as agricultural implements and so forth. I was taught the value of photographs as records. For Hamaya, rural Japan was a repository of customs, objects of life, and modes of subsistence that provided a notion of spirit that survived the environment as well as the depredations of urban life and classes. He did not have a ready-made Marxist class analysis but his work was to lead to a humanistic depiction of rural life and customs that he implicitly had and sometimes explicitly posed against the city.

His position could be seen as in sympathy with the ultranationalist ambience of the times, but actually one could also see his emphasis on the rural as an urban attachment to rural values, even if weakly articulated, that had survived despite their depredation by the modern and the city-based militarist ideologies. In other words, the rural is perceived as a sort of idealized antithesis to the urban and modern, with its enormous pressures on human values.

The position was laid out in his later Yukiguni. This humanistic identification, prone to essentializing, was no doubt a form of resistance against the militarist identification of a Japanese spirit and perhaps an overly cold and unsympathetic, if neutral, class analysis.


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I have found no sign of his wanting to decline these assignments, but in February there is the hint of an anti-bureaucratic, if not anti-authoritarian, individualism in his refusing to serve in the propaganda unit run by Natori Shunsuke, who was then in China, that published Nippon. He left when, because of his attitude, the company turned down his request to take war photographs in Rabaul, New Guinea. His wartime propaganda pictures mix dramatic naturalism with a playful, almost cynical manipulation, a technique he had been familiar with over the last ten years.

He writes in autobiography about the manipulation of images to make multiple figures of tanks to imply overwhelming material force, and also records how he took images of marine marches. There is no doubt in recollection, however, that Hamaya was aware of and implicitly ashamed of these distortions.

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Hamaya appears to be one of the few photographers to express regret for the direction taken by his wartime work, but more as a disappointment at his loss of status as an independent photographer, and for the fact that the photographs required for war propaganda lacked truth. Perhaps with an element of self-pity, he regarded his own history as one of a generation sacrificed by its fate.

Above all, the war forced on Hamaya the realization that photography was not painting, nor must it yield its narrativity to that of literature. That photography must not be an inferior version of painting is the realization of modern photography. In studying photography I avoid the plastic formativity of painting and look for the narrativity of literature, approaching what it is to be human. Even so, because it would be troubling for photography to lose its own character, this has to be without going too deeply into literature, and especially not be too familiar with poetry.

Another path was a return to a left-wing materialist expression somewhat indebted to, but whose genealogy was cut off from, Neue Sachlichkeit. Most important, not much authority remained from the propagandistic uses of a kind of academic pictorial realism that despite its enormous wartime popularity had not extended to a universalist quest for identity in human sympathy; it had grossly pushed in the direction of a racist super-nationalism. In historical hindsight, it matters little that some Allied propaganda uses of photography that reinforced general ideological training for American troops in the Pacific War was as much, if not more, racist than were the images of cultural others perpetrated by the Japanese Imperial forces.

This position authorized the documentation of life recovering in the cities, much in the same way as Hamaya and Kuwabara Kineo, for example, had already documented the street life of Asakusa and Ginza in the late s. It was continued after the war by many, among them Hayashi Tadahiko.

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This gave a particular status to photojournalism in newspapers and, as had been done by the United States, the widespread use of images for photo essays in magazines. Before then, they had circulated in a very narrow sphere. From on, photographers visited the American Cultural Center to look at illustrated magazines.

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The trend toward photobooks was reinforced by the work of Ishimoto Yasuhiro. The structure of publishing photographs was very different in Japan from how it was organized in the United States. During the war and then in the occupation, Japan had no picture magazines on the order of Life. In America, the purpose of camera magazines was only to explain photography to amateurs; by and large, these periodicals were not outlets for photographs as alternatives to mainstream photojournalism. Thereafter pictures were taken only by staff photographers.

Ura Nihon contains significant statements of his philosophy and revealing comments on major photographs. Hamaya wrote:.

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Old things were destroyed for the sake of social progress. Whilst the fact that they would disappear was unavoidably part of the flow of time, even thus one had to give serious attention to the complete removal of the traces of tradition. At that time I pushed forward my work in strongly emphasizing the recording propensity of photography. In particular I was concerned about the necessity to put on record now, whilst it was with us in some form or another, the ethnos [ minzoku ] which had the basic function in forming the human.

The way in which his social conscience was in alliance with his attitude about the value of the disappearing folk is found from comments about two photographs in Ura Nihon. Planting in a wetfield is dreadful. You plant sinking up to your chest in the mud and wrapped in tattered clothes with a straw wrapped around the body.

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The straw is put on to keep you warm and for flotation. It is a swamp all made from volcanic ash on a little flat area surrounded by mountains and is more a bottomless swamp than a rice field. Primitive rice planting would seem to have been like this. But this narrow earth has hamlets between the mountains which still have to grow rice in these conditions. In Toyama Prefecture there are both many wetfields and semi-wet fields but not this dreadful planting.

In the mountains of Tsugaru Peninsula, the cold deep in your bones, the day rushes into darkening. The isolation of winter covers the hamlets, between the homes so separated far from each other. To eyes used to the night only the snow road is white. In that thin veil of whiteness a girl carrying a baby on her back walks staring only at her feet.

Cooped up by the winter the children of the mountains are never freed from baby-sitting and running errands. The facts of poverty-stricken Japan are inherited from one generation to another of carried and carrying children. Hamaya is holding on to a notion of human struggle with nature for survival and of Japanese folk survival under extreme conditions, for which there is little hope of respite except the determination of the lives lived. The opening motto in Ura Nihon is Ningen ga ningen wo rikai suru tame ni, nihonjin ga nihonjin wo rikai suru tame ni [so that humans understand humans.


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This is followed by a foreword by the by then famous novelist Kawabata Yasunari. Hamaya holds out no romantic or even revolutionary hope, but he does indicate a sympathy for and even identification with his subjects. This kind of humanism seems to be a resistance against the restrictive urban system of Japanese life as much as an admiration for the bearers of its folk values. Of course, here he is not just showing admiration; he is also presenting traditional ways of life as a kind of imprisonment for the people caught in them.

Like many otherwise ideologically uncommitted Japanese, these photographers thought New China was the embodiment of hope for the fulfillment of what Imperial Japan had obstructed.