Dating polis in Nasirah Iraq

Shaqqa or Shakka (Arabic: شقا‎) is a Syrian town in As Suwayda Governorate in southern Syria In AD , it was given the rank of a city and the name Maximianopolis. It is dated to either AD or al-Mazraa · Muhambal · Muhasan · al-Musayfirah · al-Mushannaf · Muzayrib · al-Nashabiyah · al-Nasirah · Nawa.
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Hazard and Professor Sale.

Wave 2017 - Syria The Making Of The Future

The conscientious efforts of Mr. Thompson Webb, Jr. I want them to know how grateful I am. Special acknowledgment must be made of the help of Professor C. The Wisconsin Press has also effected other improvements of style and format. As the editors of volume I promised and wamed, the narrative continues the account there set forth.

It begins essentially with the critical events of I 1 8 9, and carries on through the tumultuous decades of the thirteenth century to various suitable stopping points a hundred years or so beyond the start. Only occasionally - as in the first chapter, on the Normans, the fourth, on Byzantium, and the eighteenth, on Armenia - will the reader find any considerable retrospect into the earlier twelfth century, and this the authors always undertake with an eye to the events of the late twelfth or thirteenth.

In these cases we try to pick up at their point of origin threads which, in the course of time, wove themselves into the later fabric of events. Once the operations of Richard the Lionhearted and Philip Augustus have been completed, and those of Frederick Barbarossa and Henry VI brought to their abortive ends, we focus our attention upon the Byzantine empire, against which Henry, like so many of his Norman predecessors, had planned to sail.

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This dispersal of effort and frittering away of resources is further enhanced as the popes of the thirteenth century begin to use the crusade first as an instrument against the Albigensian heretics in their own westem European world, and then as a weapon in their private political quarrels. Yet the efforts against the Moslems continue, of course, and once we have chronicled these various thirteenth-century perversions of the crusading undertaking, we move east once more for the operations of Pelagius and John of Brienne in Egypt, for the spectacular diplomatic triumphs of Frederick II their lustre xvu XVIII PRJ!

FACE dimmed by the hostility of the papacy , for the peculiar performance of the westerners in the years II, and for the mighty but ineffectual efforts of Louis IX, perhaps the only real crusader that ever existed, and certainly the last. We close the volume with a series of eight chapters considering all these events from the point of view of the easterners themselves and in connection with their own domestic history: first of the Christians now domiciled in the crusader states and on Cyprus, and of the Armenians of Cilicia, and then of the Moslems: Turks, Aiyilbids, Mongols, and Mamluks.

The brave reader who sits down and reads the book straight through will sometimes encounter the same military operation or diplomatic negotiation discussed twice or even oftener. Let him remember that the editors and authors planned it that way: in part because we have striven to see around events where possible, by treating them from all the points of view made identifiable by the sources. Our hypothetical consecutive reader at times may feel, as the editors have felt, often to their anguish, that he is confronted by an almost intolerable dose of marching and countermarching.

As he swallows it, let him consider that this is what chiefly interested the medieval writers on whose accounts scholars must so largely depend. But behind the dust clouds raised by the trampling hooves, let the thoughtful reader notice the flashes by whose light we gain insight into the motives and character of human beings: the giants, like Innocent III or Frederick II or St.

Louis, often glimpsed in unfamiliar aspects of their careers. Explicitly in the chapter on the Children's Crusade, and implicitly in many other places, the reader will find himself looking at the evidence for the pathology of religious emotion; if he reflects on these data he may discover that he is leaving the Middle Ages altogether and considering later chiliastic movements, the delusions of crowds, or even the essential nature of human piety.

He can single out the few moments of heroism or disinterested nobility that contrast the more sharply with the long chronicle of greed, stupidity, treachery, duplicity, and incompetence. He can ponder the lasting effects of the actions here described - not least perhaps those of the permanent breach between western and Orthodox Christians. And if he does indeed avail himself of these privileges, we hope he may come to regard our shortcomings with a tolerant eye.

In the present volume, and presumably in the entire work, these comprise principally Arabic, Turkish, Persian, and Armenian, none of which was normally written in our Latin alphabet until its adoption by Turkey in The analogous problem of Byzantine Greek names and terms has been handled by using the familiar Latin equivalents, Anglicized Greek, or, occasionally, Greek type, as has seemed appropriate in each instance, but a broader approach is desirable for the other languages under consideration. The somewhat contradictory criteria applied are ease of recognition and readability on the one hand, and scientific accuracy and consistency on the other.

It has proved possible to reconcile these, and to standardize the great variety of forms in which identical names have been submitted to us by different contributors, through constant consultation with specialists in each language, research in the sources, and adherence to systems conforming to the requirements of each language.

Of these Arabic presents the fewest difficulties, since the script in which it is written is admirably suited to the classical language. The basic system used, with minor variants, by all English-speaking scholars was restudied and found entirely satisfactory, with the slight modifications noted. The chief alternative system, in which every Arabic consonant is represented by a single Latin character!

The use of single letters in this manner leads to undesirable results, but the spellings adopted for the present work may be thus treated with confidence by any writer not requiring the discriminations which the remaining diacritical marks indicate. Diphthongs are au and ai, not aw and ay, as being both philologically preferable and visually less misleading.

The same considerations lead to the omission of J of al- before a duplicated consonant Niir-ad-Din rather than Niir-al-D! As in this example, hyphens are used to link words composing a single name as also 'Abd-Allah , with weak initial vowels elided as AbiiI;Iasan. Normally al- meaning "the" is not capitalized; ibn- is not when it means literally "son of", but is otherwise as lbn-Khaldiin.

Some readers may be disconcerted to find the prophet called "Mohammed" and his followers "Moslems", but this can readily be justified.

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These spellings are valid English proper names, derived from Arabic originals which would be correctly transliterated "Mul ammad" and "Muslimiin" or "Muslimln". The best criterion for deciding whether to use the Anglicized spellings or the accurate transliterations is the treatment accorded the third of this cluster of names, that of the religion "Islam". Where this is transliterated "Islam", with a macron over the a, it should be accompanied by "Muslim" and "Mul ammad", but where the macron is omitted consistency and common sense require "Moslem" and "Mohammed", and it is the latter triad which have been considered appropriate in this work.

All namesakes of the prophet, however, have had their names duly transliterated "MuQ. For places held, in the crusading era or now, A NOT! XXI by Arabs the Arabic names appear either in the text or in the gazetteer, where some additional ones are also included to broaden the usefulness of this feature. Large numbers of names of persons and groups, however, customarily found in Arabiciz. For example, Arabic "Saljuq" misrepresents four of the six component phonemes : s is correct, a replaces Turkish e, for which Arabic script provides no equivalent, l is correct, j replaces the non-Arabic ch, ii substitutes a non-Turkish long u for the original ii, and fJ as distinguished from It is non-existent in Turkish; this quadruple rectification yields "Selchuk" as the name of the eponymous leader, and "Selchukid" - on the model of 'Abbasid and Timurid - for the dynasty and the people.

It might be thought that as Turkish is now written in a well conceived modified Latin alphabet, there would be no reason to alter this, and this presumption is substantially valid. For the same reasons as apply to Arabic, ch has been preferred above ;, sh above f, and gh above g, with kh in a few instances given as a preferred alternate of h, from which it is not distinguished in modern Turkish. No long vowels have been indicated, as being functionless survivals. Two other changes have been made in the interest of the English-speaking reader, and should be remembered by those using map sheets and standard reference works: c pronounced dj has been changed to j, so that one is not visually led to imagine that the Turkish name for the Tigris - DijlejDicle rhymes with "tickle", and what the eminent lexicographer H.

Hony terms "that abomination the undotted t" has, after the model of The Encyclopaedia of Islam, bee. Spellings, modified as above indicated, have usually been founded on those of the Turkish edition, jsJam Ansiklopedisi, hampered by occasional inconsistencies within that work.

All names of Turks appear thus emended, and Turkish equivalents of almost all places within or near modern Turkey appear in the gazetteer. In addition to kh, Middle Turkish utilized a few other phonemes not common in modern Turkish: zh modern j , dh, ng, and a modern e ; the first three of these will be used as needed, while the last-mentioned may be assumed to underlie every medieval Turkish name now spelled with e. Persian names have been transliterated like Arabic with certain modifications, chiefly use of the additional vowels e and o and replacing w. See also W.

For the reign of William I, see G. The only existing monograph on William II, by I. On the Mediterranean policy of the Norman kings, see F. The fact that the house of Hauteville owed the to 'lll title originally to a deal with the popacy, and with a schismatic pope at that, was glossed over by later south Italian historians. Only Falco of Benevento mentions the negotiations with Anacletus: see his Chrvmicon, od ann.

Full text of "LEARNNING ARABiC DICTIONARY - ENCYCLOPEDIA .etc"

Another difficulty was the Moslem tradition implicit in the choioe of Palermo as capital. Compare the somewhat ob. Konig in Sd:wlibitcht Clmmiktn tier Staufert:. Tafel and G. Bernhardi, Lotl:ar von SrtpplinbuTg Leipz. Leipzig, r ; H. Wil liams, Saint Bernard of Cla. Willems, "Citeaux et Ia Ch. By J uly I Roger had not only recovered all his Italian possessions lost in the course of the war, but had also defeated a papal army and extracted recognition of his kingdom and kingship from pope Innocent II by the peace of Mignano.

In spite of his struggle to hold the Italian mainland, Roger had not allowed his M editerranean objectives to slip from sight. At Merseburg in I I 35, when the great coalition against Sicily was born, Venetian and Byzantine ambassadors complained to Lothair that the "count of Sicily" had attacked the coast of Greece, that Sicilian ships were preying on Venetian merchantmen and had despoiled them of goods worth 4o,ooo talents, and that Roger "was conquering Africa, which is known to be the third part of the world.

A war with the Serbs, perhaps instigated by Roger himself, put a stop to further Byzantine attacks. The Sicilian-Byzantine war outlasted the Second Crusade. Manuel and Roger continued to build coalitions designed to destroy each other. Facing embarrassing criticism and accusations, Louis and Conrad hoped to retrieve their honor and to acquire fame in new enterprises.

T hus, upon his arrival at the imperial court - in a Byzantine ship in order to escape Roger's spies Conrad agreed to conclude a treaty of alliance with Manuel on terms which included, among others, the renunciation of German claims to Apulia. In the event that the allies won Apulia, Conrad would grant it as a dowry to his sister-in-law Bertha, empress under the name of Irene. After the interview, Sicilian barons escorted Louis and Eleanor to R ome, where Louis was expected to strengthen earlier agreements made between Roger and the pope.

Eugenius had adopted the views of many returning crusaders, who blamed their failure on Manuel and the "heretic Greeks". Rwow, Honor imptrii Munich and Berlin, , pp. After the fall of Mahdia, bishop Coomas of Mahdia took refuge in Palermo. He was buried in the cathedr. See La Mantia, "J. ArrOi As to Philip's expenses we have only one useful figure he paid the Genoese 5,8 50 marks to transport his army and to supply food for men and horses for eight months.

H Unfortunately the contract does not specify what kind of marks were meant - the mark of Paris was worth about one third as much as a mark sterling. The chroniclers indicate fairly clearly that throughout his crusade Philip was less well supplied with funds than was Richard. On June 18 he arrived at his castle of Chinon for a week's stay. While there he appointed the commanders of his fleet and issued ordinances for its government.

The ordinances provided punishments for offences committed aboard the fleet. Thus if one man killed another, he was to be tied to the corpse and thrown into the sea. Richard de Camville was at Chinon when these decrees were issued. It seems probable that he and Robert of Sable took ship soon after. Certainly an English fleet had sailed in April, and had followed the well established custom of stopping in Portugal to strike a few blows at the Moslems there. When king Richard issued his severe, almost savage, ordinances for governing his fleet, he judged the nature of his seamen only too well.

The sailors invaded Lisbon, raping and plundering at will, and their two commanders had considerable trouble reducing them to order. They finally sailed from Lisbon on July At the mouth of the Tagus river they met William of Fors with 33 ships, and the whole fleet proceeded on its voyage. At Tours he solemnly received the scrip and staff of a pilgrim from the hands of archbishop Bartholomew.

From Tours he rode eastward up the valley of the Cher, crossed the Loire at Sancerre, and arrived in Vez. As the reader thinks of Richard and Philip Augustus leading their crusading forces from Vezelay to Lyons, what sort of picture should take shape in his mind? Should he imagine serried ranks of soldiers flowing along the roads or a few small bands of armed men? Should he think in terms of hundreds, thousands, or tens of thousands? The only truthful answer the historian can give is that he does not know. The bane of all scholars who attempt to deal with the military history of the Middle Ages is the impossibility of giving any reliable estimates of numbers.

When a medieval writer had to guess at a number, he did so with lavish generosity. When he was an eye-witness, he made his estimates with dashing casualness. The figures given by contemporary writers are usually magnificently improbable round numbers. Their complete unreliability is shown most clearly on the few occasions when precise numbers are given.

They are always extremely low compared to the more usual rounded figures. Ferdinand Lot has made an attempt to estimate the size of important medieval armies by using a wide range of methods, but the results, while more probable than the figures presented by the chroniclers, are far from convincing.