Dating polis Volta Redonda Brazil

Volta Redonda, city, western Rio de Janeiro estado (state), Brazil. It lies along the Paraíba do Sul River, at feet ( metres) above sea level. The city is.
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For the author, the State needs to act in favor of society, not in favor of the market Furtado, ; Wanderley, Moving forward on the ideas of Karl Polanyi, the Brazilian sociologist Alberto Guerreiro Ramos vehemently criticized the condition of a market-centered society, classifying the phenomenon as a behavioralist syndrome. Alternatively, Ramos proposes that the para-economic paradigm is an important outlet for the marketcentrism, since society is made up of several enclaves, of which the market is only one more.

In this way, Alberto Guerreiro Ramos reiterates that the market-centric logic is a big misconception. In the first gap, it is worth mentioning the double movement thesis. In it, Polanyi [] develops an important argument by proposing the search for social support, but as asked by Munck and Dale , p. However, there is no clarity in the proposal. Perhaps this suggestion was resulted from focusing on criticism of the liberal market, seen as the only alternative market as opposed to his advocacy of cooperatives and other forms of relationships not necessarily economic and financial.

While we agree with the idea that the neoliberal market is problematic for society see, e. In other words, we can assume that market is permeated by society and vice versa e. Vadell and Carvalho , p.

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A second point to consider in the theory of Polanyi is not necessarily a gap, but rather a problem of geopolitical origin and its respective positioning. Apparently his Eurocentric perspective hindered the adoption of cosmopolitan and pluriversal views, enabling dialog relations with other contexts Abdalla, A good example of this can be portrayed in the passage in which Polanyi b , p. This perspective prevents reproducing mistaken understandings of the coloniality of knowledge, since phenomena of the South are analyzed from the South itself, but in theoretical logic that is cross-bordered and cosmopolitan, which does not segregate or belittle knowledge from the North, but embraces it from a pluriversal perspective.

For the Brazilian Geographer Milton Santos, social conflict is imprinted in the spatial relations of cities, denounced by economic and social inequalities, especially in underdeveloped countries. The cities allow the intersection of what he called verticalities and horizontalities. Santos, , p. Under the line of thought proposed by Milton Santos, Harvey highlights the polarization and the asymmetry present in the distribution of wealth and power, suggesting that the phenomenon is present in spatial forms assumed by the cities especially those oriented to the market , through growth of slums as opposed to gated communities, and privatized public spaces kept under constant surveillance.

This intense labor migration leads to irregular land occupation, generating pockets of population density and consequent urban chaos. This situation expands initially due to minimal state action and the consequent failure of the government by failing to properly plan and control the urbanization processes.

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Shortsighted populist electioneering attitudes help explain this scenario, where governments turn a blind eye and provide a modicum of infrastructure to locations with irregular occupation, legitimizing illegality. However, a closer look allows understanding that the problem may be more complex than indicated. This does not necessarily just involve the legitimacy of irregular occupation, but also the reasons citizens and their families seek such apparently extreme alternatives.

Unfortunately, the neoliberal globalization project confounds social perceptions, clouding the perception of the ills caused to people by accentuating social inequalities and extreme poverty. Gentrification through speculation makes the cost of real estate prohibitively high, and other problems prevent the average citizen from obtaining decent housing. As a result, the poorest strata of society are often forced to seek marginal alternatives, subject to various social problems such as crime, in addition to facing greater environmental risks flooding, landslides, etc.

As the market has no sense of place, while most of the benefits derived from the exploration processes are exported to hegemonic countries, the Market Oriented Cities remain socio-environmental impacts Escobar, Without intending to be prescriptive, we argue that the development of cities could occur through centrality and social protagonism, supported by the government, and in the final analysis, the market, reversing the current dominant order in which marketcentrism predominates, followed immediately by the action sometimes timid of the state, leaving the oppressed society for last.

In this sense, public policies that would ensure better municipal management would be very welcome, as well as promotion of better social conditions, stimulated by increased job opportunities, in contrast to the current endless accumulation mechanisms fostered by the neoliberal globalization project. There is no doubt that the effects of this change in perspective will occur slowly, especially for the poorest stratum of the population.

However, such a change will save live and preserve material goods, since irregular settlement and misguided urbanization often are accompanied by tragedies resulting from phenomena such as floods and other disasters. In addition, urban planning and control of population density in certain regions would help to minimize urban chaos, caused in part by the asymmetry between infrastructure supply and demand.

It is unfortunate that only the positive side of local development is propagated. Based on the observations above, it is possible to suggest that the Polanyian gap pointed out by Munck and Dale can be partially answered, as governments, especially municipal one, can operate on behalf of society, in a counter-movement to the phenomenon of market oriented cities, through public policies more favorable to multiple populations.

Therefore, it is of paramount importance that these governments, guided by society as advocated by Celso Furtado , confront the advance of neoliberal globalization project, through policies that are not typical of governments. The authorities must abandon the laissez-faire attitude and instead resolutely promote the welfare of society and oversee the market, materialized by companies, demanding that they seek more plural results not just those defined by the economic-financial binomial. On the other hand, it would be naive simply to turn our backs on the market. It is therefore of central importance to impose compensatory measures on companies, due to their environmental and social impacts on cities and their populations.

Resources need to be reverted to produce social benefits for those who are affected most by business activities. It is notorious that governments of various countries especially underdeveloped , given its institutional multiplicity and diversity of political and ideological positions taken by their members, provide poor services to social interests.

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This neglect can be explained by the expansion of the interests of the strongest actors, such as companies, in detriment to the aspirations and demands of society. The confrontation of inefficiency and poor performance of the government and enterprises can emerge from the counter-movement of society. A counter-movement by society themselves was perhaps the great expectation of Karl Polanyi, through a major social turnaround. Based on extensive research, Abdalla identifies that, due to the processes of oppression and sub-socialization, imposed by more than five centuries of colonialism on the peripheral and semi-peripheral nations, societies of these nations have been unable to exercise this social turnaround.

Part of society has played an important role, by organizing, questioning and constantly monitoring business actors and public authorities. It is highly salutary that members truly representative of society are spontaneously engaged in the process of social protection, especially defending the portion that does not have a voice, either by natural inefficiency, resulting from the subaltern Spivak, and the poor conditions of the educational structure, or by the process of social invisibility, caused by abandonment of the State and the expansion of imbalances triggered by the neoliberal globalization project.

In this sense, it is worth remembering Celso Furtado, in arguing that the state must operate in favor of society, not the market Furtado, Given the essentially colonialist and transmodern character of this essay, it contributes to the field by introducing a debate marginalize by the hegemonic way of thinking. Is it possible even to suggest that empirical research guided by this discussion should consider the existence of several other component actors of the counter-movement, depending specifically on the particularities of the selected knowledge locus.

Hence, we argue that identification of the phenomenon is the first contribution of this theoretical essay. From the identification of the neoliberal globalization project and commodification of labor as the main causes of this problem, we tried to understand the results of these formations. We identified that the intense labor migration in search of employment and income causes a dynamic of irregular land occupation, generating unanticipated pockets of population density, urban sprawl, and consequent urban chaos.

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We have tried to contribute not only to the academic world, but especially to the social reality, by confronting this complex and asymmetrical picture, in which large corporations, especially originating from rich and hegemonic countries under an imperialist expansion model, receive privileges at the cost of exploiting less developed regions and cheap labor. We chose the theory of double movement of Karl Polanyi, by means of counter-movement to the market, as a way to challenge the status quo. In addition, the essay makes an important contribution by filing an important gap in the thesis of Polanyi identified by Munck and Dale , p.

We argue that various social actors are potential elements of the counter-movement, to the extent they really exercise their respective roles in society. The centrality of society as the actor in the counter-movement is fundamental to this process, sine it primarily promotes confronting the marketcentric model and therefore challenges the neoliberal globalization project, and secondly, by its own protagonism in overseeing the actions of other actors, especially the public power.

By developing and promoting the participation in social governance process of society, public authorities and companies as parts instead of centers , rather than leaving the matter to be developed exclusively by large corporations and the elites of hegemonic nations, we have the ability to contribute to building a more inclusive, pluriversal and transmodern world, as advocated by Dussel , , thus confronting the problem of market oriented cities.

That appears to be the true meaning of such propagated local development, which in reality seeks to increase the wealth of the elite at the expense of exploiting the poorest regions, widening social gaps and establishing heavy dependence of cities on companies and the market. Abdalla, M. Repensando desenvolvimento local e o problema das cidades orientadas ao mercado. Buenos Aires, Argentina. BR , 15 4 , Abreu, J.

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