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- 86 Hotels in Onitsha, Nigeria
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Marriage to a Nigerian citizen and spousal sponsorship to Canada under the Family Sponsorship program is a complex process. This page is designed to guide you through your marriage to a Nigerian citizen and the spousal sponsorship process. Every country has its own laws that apply to its citizens marrying a person from a different country. Getting married to a Nigerian citizen with the goal of eventually bringing them to Canada to live is a process with many steps. If you want to bring your Nigerian spouse or partner to live in Canada, you must then file a sponsorship application for them to become a permanent resident.
If they would like to visit you in Canada while their application is in process, they must also apply for a visitor visa.
For more information, please see our family sponsorship page and our visitor visa page. Once the necessary documents are gathered, it usually takes the Nigerian government up to 3 weeks to authenticate the documents. If you then file a Canadian sponsorship application for your Nigerian spouse or partner, this application takes an average of months. A visitor visa application for your spouse or partner to visit you in Canada while the sponsorship applications are processing takes an average of 3 —14 days. Please see our pages on family sponsorship and Canadian visitor visa for more information on the processing times of these applications.
The following is a guideline on how to register a marriage in the Federal Republic of Nigeria under Nigerian law. You will die today. Motorists who refuse to pay the money illegally demanded by the police at checkpoints also risk being physically assaulted by the police.
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The police in turn profit from their brutal reputation as fearful family members will pay large sums of money to free their loved one. The father of a year-old boy in Anambra State told Human Rights Watch how the police tortured and threatened to kill his son unless he met their demands. The father described what happened when he went to the SARS office to see his son:. The police sometimes use the threat of rape and other forms of sexual assault as a means to extort money from women stopped at checkpoints, accosted by the police in public places, or detained in police custody.
A year-old university student described how in October police officers approached her at a taxi stand in Lagos, sexually assaulted her by touching her breasts and buttocks, and then demanded that she hand over money and her mobile phone. The policemen threatened to rape her if she did not comply with their demands. The police detained her and another woman who were unable to pay. Over the next week the police officer repeatedly raped the two women at the back of the police station. Human Rights Watch interviewed seven female sex workers in Lagos who described being frequently subjected to police raids and threats of sexual assault or rape by police officers.
The sex workers interviewed by Human Rights Watch described frequent police raids in which officers arrive in police vans or commercial minibuses and storm rooms in brothels or round up women standing on the street at night. The police often subject the women to harassment or physical abuse, forcing them into the vans and transporting them to nearby police stations. The women arrested in brothels said they were sometimes allowed to call their managers to pay the demanded sum, which they then would have to pay back. Women who are unable to pay the police say they are often forced, under threat of being remanded to prison custody, to have sex to secure their freedom.
Others are physically assaulted and raped by police officers. The women interviewed by Human Rights Watch said that in general only those who refuse to pay the police or provide sex are charged with prostitution offenses. The police have never charged me to court. Similarly, a law student at Lagos State University who works as a sex worker to pay her way through school described what happened to her during a police raid last year:.
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Another sex worker who had been detained by police officers from the same police station seven times in the past year described what happened to her when she refused to have sex with the police:. These cases took place when the victims were either in police detention within a police station, or at police checkpoints after commercial minibus drivers failed to pay the money illegally demanded by the police.
On June 7 and 8, , the police in Abuja killed six young Nigerians, most of whom were from Apo village, including Augustina Arebun, a year-old university student. Several other victims of extortion described how the police used death threats to extort money from family members for personal gain. Five days later the police had still not released Victor. His brother described what he saw when he returned to the police station that evening:. Similarly, a relative of a motorcycle taxi driver, Webara Peba, who was allegedly killed in police custody in June in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, described what happened:.
The family was unable to pay the money and the police refused to release Webara Peba. When the family member returned on June 30, the investigating police officer said they had taken Peba to a hospital but refused to provide details. The family hired a lawyer and later found his body at the Braith Waite Memorial Hospital morgue. The family believes that Peba was tortured in police custody and killed by the police because the family was unable to pay the demanded bribe.
All too often these confrontations escalate into fatal shootings by the police. Human Rights Watch interviewed witnesses and family members of the victims in three fatal shootings at police checkpoints in Anambra State. On April 25, , Nkechi Obidigwe, a year-old student was allegedly shot and killed by a stray bullet fired by a police officer at a motorist who refused to pay a bribe. This incident occurred at a checkpoint in Onitsha on April 25, Family members interviewed by Human Rights Watch said that Obidigwe was returning from computer training school around p.
The bullet hit Obidigwe instead. The family has received no compensation from the police.
On November 9, , a police officer at a police checkpoint in Ogidi, Anambra State, allegedly shot two passengers on a commercial minibus, killing one, year-old student Daniel Offiali. A young man who witnessed the incident described to Human Rights Watch how the minibus was stopped at a police checkpoint around a. Human Rights Watch requested information from the inspector general of police on a total of 16 incidents of alleged extrajudicial killings associated with extortion by the police at checkpoints, either documented by Human Rights Watch or credibly reported in the media.
In reality, convictions of Nigerian police officers implicated in capital crimes including the extortion-related extrajudicial killings noted above, are very rare.
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In one such case, a high court in Ondo State convicted a police officer in March for killing Alexandra Aroloye at a police checkpoint in September The Nigerian Constitution guarantees that every person has the right to life and that no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of that right. Corrupt and unprofessional practices by the Nigerian police have severely undermined the integrity of the Nigerian criminal justice system and, by extension, respect for the rule of law.
T he police subject victims of crimes to incessant demands for money to investigate and move forward the case, leaving victims who refuse or are unable to pay with little hope for justice. Meanwhile, criminal suspects with money can simply bribe the police to avoid arrest, detention, and prosecution. This corrupt practice by senior police officials has left the vast majority of Nigerians without adequate security and has further undermined their right to equal protection under the law.
Left without adequate police protection, communities have turned for protection to armed vigilante groups who often operate outside the law and have been implicated in further abuses. Interviews with victims of crime, police officers, lawyers, and judges indicated how the course and outcome of criminal investigations depend almost entirely on payment by either the complainant or the accused. Whoever has more money is the one that will ultimately win. In Nigeria, t he police routinely demand money from complainants to fund the criminal investigation into their case, limiting or completely eliminating access to justice for victims who refuse or are unable to pay.
Victims interviewed by Human Rights Watch noted that the police often appeared more intent on using their contact with the complainant and suspect to extort money than on conducting a professional and impartial investigation into the crime. Disturbingly, senior police officers and civil society leaders working on policing issues agreed that the Nigerian police rarely initiate an investigation into a crime, even the most serious offenses, and generally will only open a case once money has changed hands.
A police corporal in Lagos described his frustration at the lack of resources the police receive to conduct investigations:. A judge and several lawyers confirmed this phenomenon. If the accused has been bailed and fails to show up, the complainant must pay for a bench warrant to be enforced. Human Rights Watch also spoke with several victims of crimes who said that they had to pay the police to initiate, conduct an investigation, and refer the case to the state prosecutor.
An engineer from Ebonyi State described how the police demanded money to investigate the alleged murder of his year-old brother in June Similarly, a market trader in Kaduna described what happened after she filed a complaint with the police in a criminal case:. Several police officers and civil society leaders told Human Rights Watch that if the complainants are unable or unwilling to pay the money illegally demanded by the police, it is unlikely that the criminal investigation will be completed.
A lawyer in Kaduna explained:. If the accused is richer and more powerful, he can pay off the police until the case is turned. Several police officers, including an assistant commissioner of police who has investigated cases of corruption, also explained to Human Rights Watch that they knew of cases in which criminal suspects had bribed police officers to ensure that they were not investigated or arrested, and in some cases even paid money to frame the victim. Human Rights Watch interviewed a man who described how the police at the state command in Awka, Anambra State, demanded money to investigate members of a criminal gang who had threatened to kill and extort money from his family over what was initially a land dispute:.
Balogun then laundered the money through one of his front companies. The public maintains a profound distrust in the police who are seen as ineffective, corrupt, and often complicit in crime. Civil society leaders and businesspeople interviewed by Human Rights Watch in Anambra State also noted this link.
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They are fetching money for their pockets. But vigilante groups often act outside the law and have themselves been implicated in serious human rights violations. At times, their methods have been extremely brutal, ruthless, and arbitrary. For example, in the notorious vigilante group the Bakassi Boys formed in Anambra State and several other southeastern states.
They carried out scores of public executions of criminal suspects and arbitrarily detained and tortured hundreds of others.
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A number of mutually reinforcing factors conspire to fuel the rampant levels of corruption within the Nigeria Police Force. The combination of inadequate funding for the police force and embezzlement and mismanagement of existing funds leaves appallingly little to run essential police operations. In part to cover this deficit, the rank-and-file police demand bribes and extort money from members of the public.
The prevailing culture of corruption and lack of effective oversight—weaknesses that allow police officials at all levels to evade justice—perpetuate police corruption and its associated abuses. Human Rights Watch interviewed police officers who described how they joined the police to serve their country but have since become disillusioned by the level of unprofessionalism and misconduct that pervade the police force. While abuses by the rank-and-file, discussed above, are the most observable manifestations of police corruption, two other key dynamics—large-scale embezzlement by mostly senior officers and the corrupt system of returns—underlie and indeed drive many of these abuses.
Senior police officials have embezzled and misappropriated staggering sums of public funds meant to cover basic police operations. Several high-level police officials ranging in rank from commissioner of police to inspector general of police have over the years been credibly implicated in and, in at least one case, convicted of the theft of police funds.