LGBT people in Brazil represent % of the Brazilians, or approximately 20,, LGBT citizens. A survey conducted by University of São Paulo revealed % of Brazilian males identified as gay and % identified as bisexual, for a total of % of the male population. Lesbians comprised % of the population and bisexual women comprised.
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When they get in touch with the people that they have identified in this manner, the number of replies they get back is even smaller. Notwithstanding the varying degrees of frustration that this scenario produces, men go on searching rather than leave the site.
Nihil Obstat » Lesbians & Gays
They continue negotiating the terms of their search, since idealized [exact] criteria tend to prove unrealistic. In contrast to what sites boast and clients desire, the use of search mechanisms guarantees neither dates nor relationships. This is due in the first place to the fact that people tend to seek persons who are "better" than they are, that is, partners who are more socially recognized as "good-looking", also associated with aspects such as youth and place of residence. As data, the neighborhood in which a person lives is more than mere geographic location - rather, it denotes social class, income and life style.
Elite neighborhoods are, on the other hand, seen as the center where a life of privileged access to consumption and social recognition unfold. As I have already stated, the desire that underlies the search is one of social adequacy as much as sexual desire. The most common answers tend to be evasive and uncertain.
Some people seem not have the faintest idea of what they want, while most summarize similar lack of definition with the oft-repeated, "whatever happens", meant more as a manifestation of being open to the other's intentions than a real willingness to accept anything. The goal of the search is uncertain or highly idealized in the image of a "dream person", yet high value is placed on the search in and of itself, as I was able to verify through the persistent investment that my collaborators make in it. Some of my collaborators reported that they have kept profiles in a number of dating sites and applications for over a decade already, and use the comments of other users who define themselves as "eternally on line" to show that this is a common situation.
Among them, my collaborators mention two profiles that are among the most common on the sites Manhunt and Disponivel. The first is the profile of a 28 year-old man who currently presents himself under the headline "Hot Hung Brazilian Guy" - " Dotado Sarado ".
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He describes himself as "macho, well-endowed, 1. In the photos he has posted - almost all of which show him bare-chested on the beach - as well as in his more detailed description, it is apparent that he is trying to present himself in a very standardized way that fits the model of the upper middle class gay male and supposed participant in international consumption circuits. He defines himself as top and claims to be looking for a relationship in which he can be a "real good husband".
The profile of the 28 year old is more sexualized and does not make necessary reference to the desire for a relationship, while that of the 39 year old mixes appeals for sex and affection with the search for a romantic partner. What they both share is a strong emphasis on their own masculinity, as well as a desire for partners who are similarly masculine. It is not difficult to recognize these profiles and all that distinguishes them: they share an interest in placing themselves at a distance from the negative stereotypes of homosexuality that prevail in Brazilian society, associating it with "effeminateness" and "marginality".
Everything seems to indicate that their self-representation as men who, although seeking male sexual partners, are in complete conformity with socially recognized and desired notions of the masculine constitutes their greatest appeal. Furthermore, fitting the model so well yet maintaining this "perennial" presence on the net diminishes their credibility. It rouses not only curiosity but - above and beyond all - suspicions regarding their authenticity: what could be lurking behind their extremely stylized self-presentation? Among the negative comments I heard at different moments during my research in relation to these profiles, two suspicions stood out: that of a "promiscuous gay" and of a "man who's got problems" respectively.
LGBT people in Brazil
In the first case, life style and body type are associated with reprehensible sexual behavior; in the second case, in which a romanticized profile presents the person as morally unobjectionable, the suspicion is that this is a person who is incapable of relating off-line.
Yet in spite of the criticisms and suspicions that my collaborators voiced, in both profiles we can recognize an attractiveness that is attained through some sort of successful attempt at "purification". Dotado Sarado underscores the claim that he is not a drug user and the other man begins his self-presentation by asserting that he is not an "internet whore [puto]".
It is not within the scope of this study to speculate on the veracity of posted profiles - that is, the extent to which self-presentation and "reality" actually correspond. Rather, I explore the ideals and fears that guide the way profiles are created and "read" by my collaborators. Notwithstanding their ironic treatment of the quantity of users who claim to live in wealthy neighborhoods, it is precisely the men who reside therein that seem to be the object of their attention.
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Promiscuity tends to be associated with a passive position in sexual relations, while predatory sexual behavior, associated with an active position, is seen as a virile attribute. A man who has a preference for being penetrated tends to be devalued on this market or will at least have a harder time than others in proving his virility and moral rectitude. This phenomenon helps us to understand the existence of so many profiles of men who claim to be top and looking for others who also are, or, as in " Dotado Sarado's " profile, refer to themselves as top men who do not like penetration.
The devaluing of passivity also becomes visible through the absence of profiles of bottom men seeking similarly bottom partners. The "top" position is related to a highly valued masculine position that is associated, although without evidence, to men who also relate sexually to women. It may be this which has generated a considerable increase in recent times in nicknames and profiles in which users describe themselves not only as top but also as "straight" - even while they search for other men for sex and love through sites geared toward a homosexual public.
The devalued types are, on the other hand, not recalled in detail. Within this highly competitive market, the most valued commodity is the image of complete social adjustment, that is, someone who bears no outward signs of homosexuality. The need to distance oneself and possible contacts from the "gay scene" is evident, corroborated by the expression. I don't know if you can imagine The worst thing that could happen to a person was to contract AIDS.
The worst! Worse than being a murderer. The ugliest, most disgusting Zamboni Thus it was at the peak of AIDS-related deaths that this beauty standard emerged, associating health, masculinity, muscularity and, increasingly, lack of body hair. The success of male body hair removal is related to the demand for bodies that evoke strength and youth, meant to produce a contrast between them and those of the generation that had been devastated by the tragic consequences of the epidemic.
Commercial internet emerged, in Brazil, at more or less the same time that the anti-retroviral cocktail was invented, but much before the consolidation of the perception of the disease as "chronic".
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A consequence of this is the growing - and now consolidated - association that my collaborators made between being discreet and having a well-muscled body, sarado healed one in Portuguese. The expression sarado sprang up at the height of the AIDS epidemic to refer to muscular guys. Although my collaborators rarely make overt reference to AIDS, its influence on the way they understand their desire for other men materializes indirectly in the specter evoked by the disqualifying use of the term "gay scene".
When they assert they are "out of the scene" and are looking for someone who also is, they express an anxiety to dissociate themselves from environments or behaviors associated with the sexual promiscuity of the time in which AIDS related deaths were at their peak. At the beginning of the s, that is, during the sexual panic, they were teens or young adults who quite likely associated the desire for other men to the risk of getting or dying from AIDS. Thus, at the end of the twentieth century, commercial circuits where luxury and social recognition were sought substituted the older spaces for homosexual social life in major Brazilian cities.
The internet emerged from this process and is intrinsically related to it, thus substituting an older "scene" for a segmented commercial circuit.
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It represents the possibility of individualized sexual access, free a culture or identity that had been equated with illness and the risk of death. Among my collaborators - and this is particularly the case for the youngest ones - there is no longer a direct association between homosexuality and marginal experience associated with dangerous or socially stigmatized places such as saunas and red light districts. Nonetheless, the dominant view that posits any exclusively gay place as "impure" and as a point of contact with other forms of social marginality is still strong; in particular, the powerful myth that was socially constructed over decades associating homosexuality with deviation from social and familial values persists.
In the face of this ghost from the past, particularly alive in the minds of men who are over thirty, new digital media have emerged as privileged means that allow people to establish individualized, anonymous and above all, "clean" forms of contact. In fact, these media sell the idea that they work as mechanisms that enable people to select whom they contact. Never before did the market seem to enjoy such affinity with hegemonic morality as it does in these sites and applications that are able to sell the possibility of choosing, thanks to users' subjective willingness to associate the search for dates and partners with a form of purification.
In the face of the supposed immorality or superficiality of meeting points and social spaces linked to promiscuity, these platforms offer their clients the comforting idea that it is possible to socialize without exposing oneself, in a controlled and selective way.
Although in fact I tend to agree with Eva Illouz regarding the existence of a sex and love market, my ethnographic work shows that its economy cannot be reduced to a logic of accounting and rationality. Holding strictly to the hypothesis of the interdependence between capitalism and the sex market would inhibit us from looking at elements of this economy that go beyond mere cost-benefit analysis.
There are also other values that define our search for love and sex. Even though internet dating sites and applications for mobile devices are part of a commercial circuit, they are seen as instruments to access this circuit without exposing oneself and without a complete acceptance of all of its values. In the face of moral "condemnation" of the "scene" as a space of immorality and promiscuity, the lucrative business of sites and applications offers a supposedly clean space that allows for selection.
Search mechanisms act as filters which permit the subject who uses them to gain access to a morally respectable sphere where true and false, pure and impure can be distinguished. Thus, they are effective in providing users with the sensation of being "out of the scene" and appear to offer the possibility to chose someone whom "even though he isn't perfect" is still "cleaner", "truer" or "more honest" than someone who one might meet randomly.
For a large portion of my collaborators, a "family" morality seems to inhere even in the search for a partner for casual sex. A discourse of responsibility, family values and trust is what seems to most attract potential partners. I confirmed this through my own observations several years ago: the way in which men presented themselves on line as "Machos" or "Brothers" in constituting relations with other men, many of whom are openly homosexual Miskolci The "familial" discourse of men who carry on relations with other men in secret "purifies" them, creating the apparent paradox in which their experience of secret homosexuality then appears not as weak character or evidence of "deceiving" their wives and families but as a commitment to socially prioritized values regarding family and wife or girlfriend.
In this manner, they get involved in relations between "closeted" men or even others who are not necessarily in the closet in an apparent moral paradox: they tend to create contacts which, for the most part, are doomed to fall apart, interrupted sooner or later by the commitment to the partner with whom they are bound through heterosexual sociability.
It is the desire for social adequacy that marks my collaborators' online search for a partner. This explains why they indicate a preference for guys who live in rich neighborhoods, look "straight" and bear signs of hegemonic social position. For these men, it is the hegemonic which becomes erotic.
This leads us to rethink what is meant by the "erotic regime". Rather than as a given or natural system connecting individuals on the basis of private or intimate interests, I suggest that we think of erotic regimes as historical, culturally-varied and grounded, as well or perhaps predominantly in collective interests. Erotic regimes thereby become more important than most social theories have recognized. At the same time, they must not be thought of as a tabula rasa from which autonomous subjects seek to constitute relations - in fact, the point of view on which the study of supposedly minority sexualities was based.
The middle column is indicative of how people negotiate between the above-mentioned ideal and what they actually find, and the left column attempts to condense those characteristics that are most frequently rejected, or even avoided, by my informants in their on line search for dates or partners. As a whole and taken in a dynamic and situated manner, these diagrams permit a preliminary approximation to what I call erotic regime or network of desire, which in turn should be clearly distinguished from conceptions that are rooted in common sense or in some psychological theories.
These conceptions and their premises naturalize the erotic sphere, associating it to desires which are understood as only or predominantly originating within individuals; perhaps we may think of them as remaining hostage to theories and sexual categories that do not enable us to capture the historical and located character of these social relations.