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Restrictions on Religion. Islam is the most common state religion, but many governments give privileges to Christianity.
More than 80 countries favor a specific religion, either as an official, government-endorsed religion or by affording one religion preferential treatment over other faiths, according to a new Pew Research Center analysis of data covering countries and territories around the world. Islam is the most common government-endorsed faith, with 27 countries including most in the Middle East-North Africa region officially enshrining Islam as their state religion.
By comparison, just 13 countries including nine European nations designate Christianity or a particular Christian denomination as their state religion. But an additional 40 governments around the globe unofficially favor a particular religion, and in most cases the preferred faith is a branch of Christianity.
Indeed, Christian churches receive preferential treatment in more countries — 28 — than any other unofficial but favored faith. In some cases, state religions have roles that are largely ceremonial. But often the distinction comes with tangible advantages in terms of legal or tax status, ownership of real estate or other property, and access to financial support from the state. In 10 countries, the state either tightly regulates all religious institutions or is actively hostile to religion in general. These countries include China, Cuba, North Korea, Vietnam and several former Soviet republics — places where government officials seek to control worship practices, public expressions of religion and political activity by religious groups.
Most governments around the globe, however, are generally neutral toward religion. More than countries and territories included in the study have no official or preferred religion as of These include countries like the United States that may give benefits or privileges to religious groups, but generally do so without systematically favoring a specific group over others. These are among the key findings of a new Pew Research Center analysis of country constitutions and basic laws as well as secondary sources from governmental and nongovernmental organizations. This research is part of a broader effort to understand restrictions on religion around the world.
For the past eight years, Pew Research Center has published annual reports analyzing the extent to which governments and societies around the world impinge on religious beliefs and practices.
- The list of upcoming Djibouti official public holidays is:.
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The studies are part of the Pew-Templeton Global Religious Futures project, which analyzes religious change and its impact on societies around the world. The rest of this report looks in more detail at countries with official state religions or preferred religions, as well as those with no preferred religion and those that are highly restrictive or hostile toward religion. It also explores the implications of these categories. Buddhism also is exempted from some restrictions that apply to other religious groups. For example, the government allows the printing, import and distribution of Buddhist religious material while restricting the publication of religious materials for most other religious groups.
Djibouti received a score of five and six seven being the lowest ranking for civil liberties and political rights, respectively, in the Freedom in the World Report. Article 15 of the constitution guarantees the right to freely constitute associations to all citizens of Djibouti. While in principle the freedoms of assembly and association are constitutionally guaranteed, in practice, individuals and organizations that openly express opinions critical of the government remain under close observation by the security apparatus.
Demonstrations in the city of Tadjourah erupted in October with protestors demanding employment opportunities in the construction of a new port. The rights group, the Djibouti League for Human Rights Ligue djiboutienne des droits humains reported that security forces attacked protestors and several people were injured in Tadjourah. During the legislative elections, no large demonstrations were reported. These are generally rare in Djibouti due to the factionalized and divided opposition that had proved fairly ineffective in coordinating large anti-government protests.
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Qat or Khat a narcotic leaf consumed by a major part of the population supplies are said to be kept buoyant with a goal of helping to subdue opposition, though periods involving unrest and conflict between subclans of Issa and Oromia in key Ethiopian centers for Qat production have led to temporary shortages. The Human Rights Council HRC has also noted violations of the human rights of detainees, journalists and human rights defenders, a lack of cooperation with U.
Although the constitution guarantees the right to freely express and disseminate opinions in written and oral form, the ranking clearly illustrates the degree of restrictions on press freedom, censorship and the persecution of journalists. The Freedom of Communication Law governs the creation of media outlets and defines media offenses. There are no privately owned, independent media outlets in the country. Al-Qaran, published in Arabic, appears irregularly in print, but maintains a website www. La Renouveau Djiboutien, the only opposition newspaper linked to the MRD, was shut down following accusations of publishing false information and libel.
Foreign journalists report that media visas are difficult to obtain, with a screening process that passes through foreign public relations firms. Tolerating the presence of correspondents purports a significant degree of media pluralism. However, both foreign and local reporters regularly face repression, including judicial harassment and deportation. In April , several journalists covering the presidential elections, both foreigners and nationals, were detained and deported.
Contributors to and informants for La Voix de Djibouti regularly face arbitrary arrests. The executive branch of the government comprises the president, who is directly elected by the electorate for five-year terms by an absolute majority vote, if required, in two rounds. The president appoints the prime minister, who is head of government, and other members of the cabinet. Members of the National Assembly are elected for five years by a direct ballot. The separation of powers is formally enshrined in the constitution, but in practice, the president controls all branches of the government and the decision-making power of ministers is limited.
The legislative branch, the National Assembly, is also institutionally weak, as it lacks critical opposition representation and thus remains dependent on the executive. The president handpicks members of the cabinet and, as described in earlier sections, the first lady exerts significant influence on government appointments. The president also controls the security apparatus, including the police and military. The judiciary branch is also administratively subservient to the executive branch and does not operate independently of it.
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Although Article 71 of the constitution stipulates that the judiciary Supreme Court, Court of Account, and other courts and tribunals is independent of the legislative and the executive, there are no checks and balances between the three branches of government and a separation of power only exists de jure. The executive branch, in the person of President Guelleh, and the legislative branch, the National Assembly with its majority of UMP lawmakers, largely impair the independence of judges. The president also appoints two of the six magistrates of the Constitutional Council for one eight-year term and the National Assembly and CSM each appoint two.
High-level corruption is said to be widespread and affects the administration of justice across the country. Corruption and politically motivated slush payments remain widespread in Djibouti and public officials are rarely held accountable for abuses of authority. Corruption is immanent in the political system at all levels, and includes direct payments to law enforcement officers, as reported particularly by an increasing number of refugees.
There are only a few cases of high-level public office holders or civil servants who have been prosecuted for corruption. Political motives seem to prevent legislation on office abuse and corruption from functioning properly. A law passed in to monitor government spending through the rotation of accountants and auditors was not implemented, and reports from the Inspector General are not publicly available. These include freedom from inhuman, cruel, degrading or humiliating treatment, the right to liberty and security and the right to property and equality before the law. However, in practice, the rights to freedom of opinion and expression are limited.
Djiboutian civil society still suffers from a lack of visibility and recognition, mainly due to legal and administrative obstacles to the creation of associations. Friday prayers are reportedly monitored and security forces have detained journalists, opposition politicians and activists who criticize the government. Prison conditions remain harsh, especially in Gabode the main prison and temporary holding facilities, such as Nagad Detention Facility.
Even though the constitution and law prohibit torture or other inhuman and cruel punishments, according to credible local sources, security forces have assaulted detainees.
Security forces have also arrested and abused journalists, demonstrators and opposition members. The constitution and law provide for an independent judiciary, but the judiciary lacks independence and is inefficient. There were reports of judicial corruption. Authorities often did not respect the constitutional provisions for a fair trial.
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Democratic institutions exist and elections are regularly held, which creates the appearance of a functioning democratic system. The electoral process for the offices of the president and the National Assembly is governed by the constitution and the amended Electoral Law of Although opposition parties are not banned from the political scene and compete in the legislative elections, the ruling UMP is authoritarian in its character.
Existing elected bodies, as well as limited political competition and participation provide a semblance of democracy, but in fact constitute a core tool to serve the interests of President Guelleh and a loyal clique of businesspeople. The functioning of these institutions is primarily undermined by the personal rule of the president and his dominance within the RPP-led UMP.
Policy decisions with regard to the selection of strategic partners in large-scale investment projects provide an excellent example of this, as shall be detailed in the remainder of the report. Political decision-making processes, as well as checks and balances between the three branches of government, do not function as stipulated in the constitution. In general, it is fair to say that all relevant actors in the country accept the role of elected institutions as indispensable.
However, the legislature of the republic is weak and influenced by a strong president. The function of democratic institutions could be described as twofold.