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Agriculture is an important lifeline for many Armenians, employing about 40 percent of the working population and representing about 20 percent of GDP. However, much of it is subsistence farming. The agriculture sector grew by 11 percent in , which helped offset both declining exports to Russia and reduced remittances.

Armenia produces about 60 percent of the food it consumes , relying on imports for grain, sugar, and oil. The service and information technology sectors are the bright spots in the economy. The IT sector reportedly grew 22 percent per year between and , making it the fastest-growing part of the economy. As of , it already employs about 15, people , although the education system is struggling to keep up with the constant demand for qualified IT specialists.

Approximately technology companies now operate in the country, including many local start-ups. The rapid growth of the Armenian IT sector is due at least in part to the relatively low levels of corruption in this sector, which is relatively borderless and has limited contact with customs officials.

From the earliest days of its independence, Armenia has tried to pursue a multivector foreign policy. The diaspora, however, can play a dual role. Diaspora Armenians tend to attach greater importance to the genocide recognition agenda than the government of Armenia does. Many in the diaspora, for example, ardently opposed proposals for Armenian-Turkish normalization of relations, while the population in Armenia generally welcomed it. Armenians within the country also show greater willingness to engage with Turks on a people-to-people level than do diaspora Armenians, and these engagements laid the groundwork for the normalization process.

High expectations on both sides have led to mutual disappointment. Despite its considerable influence in a number of Western capitals, the diaspora also has been unable to transform Armenia into a top priority for the West. Armenia is simply too small and far away to garner priority attention in most Western countries. In its defense posture, Armenia remains tightly connected to Russia, hosting 5, Russian troops at a military base near Gyumri, 25 miles from the Turkish border. A poll by an Armenian think tank indicated that 55 percent of respondents found a foreign implying Russian military presence in Armenia to be acceptable; a different question in this same poll revealed that 38 percent viewed that foreign military presence as key to protecting Armenia from Azerbaijani or Turkish aggression, while another 25 percent claimed it provided a general security guarantee for the country at large.

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Russia has proven itself to be an unpredictable and at times unreliable actor. The war cut off that trade route, stopping deliveries of wheat , fuel, and other products into Armenia and leading to shortages. The two countries have a joint air defense agreement, and Yerevan in June ratified a treaty on the operation of a joint Russian-Armenian air defense system. The Armenian and Russian governments reinforced these close security ties by announcing an agreement to bolster a decade-old joint military force , although neither side provided any details about what changes this November decision will bring.

Close security ties, however, have facilitated large-scale Russian investment—not always conducted in a transparent manner—into the Armenian economy, allowing Russian firms to dominate key sectors of the economy, particularly the energy sector. Not unlike Israel, security in Armenia generally trumps all other economic, social, or political issues.

This security, however, comes at a stiff price.

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Trade with Russia rebounded by 12 percent in the first half of , according to President Sargsyan, but the increase does not appear to have returned trade to pre-EEU volumes. Savings from cheaper imports of Russian gas were not passed on to Armenian consumers. Anger over the rate hikes quickly became a symbol of popular dissatisfaction with Russia.

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Popular discontent in Armenia toward Moscow is growing. The atrocity prompted protests in Yerevan and in Gyumri. At first, the Russian government failed to comprehend the scope of the anger and growing sense of injustice that was brewing in Armenian society. Anti-Russian sentiment further increased after the Four-Day War. About Armenians were killed during the fighting. But Armenian society is increasingly nervous about the one-sided nature of the bilateral relationship. The Armenian government is caught between its deep dependence on Moscow and growing public doubts about Russian intentions.

Aside from Russia, the United States also factors prominently in Armenian diplomacy. As a co-chair country, along with France and Russia, in the Minsk Group tasked with resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute, the United States is generally seen as a more impartial arbiter in conflict mediation efforts with Azerbaijan than Russia. Over the last year, this perceived impartiality has led many regional experts to call on the United States to take a more active role in the negotiations, as it did at the start of the George W.

Bush and Barack Obama administrations. However, U. While trade is relatively low, the United States ranks as the second-largest source of remittances after Russia due to the large Armenian-American diaspora. Trade with the United States is miniscule, but the security relationship between Washington and Yerevan is stronger than one would expect.

Armenian service personnel have undergone training in the United States and other NATO countries, with a large focus on peacekeeping.


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